As this project wraps up I have begun to think about my overall project and research question, which was "How do the Portuguese observe rituals of death, historically and in present
times, and how have these customs changed throughout history". I believe that the information that I have amassed over the semester has answered this question. From sources such as Patricia Goldey's article to modern day funeral planning websites to will and inheritance law websites, I have discovered how the Portuguese have treated death and death rituals over time, from the past to the present.
The one thing that my research has not provided me with is information on how the Portuguese treated death in their colonies. This information remained elusive throughout the semester, primarily because the main Portuguese colony was Brazil and all the information I found was post-colonialism. As I've stated before, I do realize that any traditions that took place in Brazil would have most likely been influenced from Portuguese colonialism but there would have been other outside influencing factors as well and I wanted to keep my research focused solely on Portugal and its traditions. As such, I elected to leave Portugal's colonies out of my project. Instead I focused more on what took place in the motherland and how wills and inheritance laws work and have evolved over time.
The topic of wills and inheritance was confusing and overwhelming and extremely legal. Yet it was interesting, especially since I know next to nothing about the same topic in American society. By finding as many different sources as I could to explain wills and inheritance in Portugal, I feel as though I finally have a good grasp on the topic and will be able to show how it has evolved over time. I am quite satisfied with that aspect of my project now.
The Patricia Goldey essay by far was the most helpful of all my sources. It was the most interesting because it covered just about every aspect about death and death rituals in Portugal that I could think of and it gave me a good basis to begin my project with. By being able to use her essay and compare it to modern day rituals, I feel as though I have a good timeline of how death rituals have evolved over time in Portugal.
Some of my posts have just been about random information and facts that I discovered about death in Portugal. I feel as though these are important fillers to the rest of the information I have and add to the completeness of my overall project. I still have a few things that I want to discuss for my final project, information that I am still working on going through, so I am probably going to make a few more blog posts just as a way to have all my information in a coherent and organized place. Overall though, I feel as though I am in a good position to finalize my project. My research has been interesting and enlightening in ways that I did not imagine at first. This project has taught me a lot about Portugal and the way it treats death and ritualizes it.
I would say that death and death rituals in Portugal have definitely evolved and changed over time and I have the research to back up that assertion. I am working on compiling it all into my timeline approach for the project and will continue to use my blog to organize my thoughts and finalize the project.
Sunday, December 8, 2013
Sunday, December 1, 2013
Some Numbers on Life and Death in Portugal
This week I looked into statistics on Portuguese mortality, life expectancy, and causes of death. A study was done in 2008 that compiled all this information as a way to compare Portugal to Spain and how these numbers started out very different between the two countries, but how they have more recently become closer. The study, titled "Mortality Changes in the Iberian Peninsula in the Last Decades of the Twentieth Century", was very interesting yet full of facts that bogged down my reading. I used it mostly to pull out information about Portugal, which meant that a lot of the article didn't have much to do with what I wanted. It was still interesting to read though, if a bit dry, and it did produce some good information.
LIFE EXPECTANCY
In 2005, the life expectancy for a Portuguese woman was 81.3 years. For a man it was 74.9 years. These numbers experienced a great increase from 1950, when females lived to about 61 and males lived to around 55.8 years old. These showed jumps of 20.3 and 19.1 years, respectively. Yet, just since 2005, life expectancy has yet again risen. Women now enjoy 83 years on average and men can live to 77 years. In 1950, when life expectancy was much lower, the death rates among children less than 1 year old was also high. Out of every 1000 children, 100 deaths would occur, at least among the males of the population. More recently this probability has dropped. Now children 5 years old and younger experience a mortality rate of 4 out of every 1000. The probability of dying between 15 and 60 years old stands at 117 out of 1000 for men and 50 out of 1000 for women.
EXCESS MORTALITY
In the early 1960s, Portugal faced an excess in mortality due to a high death rate among babies, children, and adolescents. Throughout the rest of the twentieth century the country was also found to have excess mortality during the winter months, compared to the rest of Western Europe. This was due to a lack of thermal efficiency in housing and an income inequality. By 2003, the excess amounts of mortality in Portugal were due to endocrine and metabolic diseases, mostly found in those aged 60 to 79.
CAUSES OF DEATH
The study listed the top eight causes of death that make up the biggest proportions of total deaths in Portugal from 1980 to 2003. These include circulatory system diseases, neoplasms, ill-defined conditions, endocrine/metabolic diseases, external causes, infectious diseases, digestive system diseases, and mental disorders. Other leading causes of death in Portugal included cerebrovascular mortality; this type of death was higher in Portugal than all the rest of Western Europe in 2002. In 2005, death caused by HIV in Portugal became higher than anywhere else in Western Europe. Portuguese men are more likely than women to die in accidents, as a result of suicide, or by undetermined causes. This is also true in comparison to Spanish men as well, at least as of 2003.
These facts are still dense, even in this shortened form but they added a new aspect to my project that I had not had before. My focus so far has been on rituals, religious and social, and wills and inheritance. I had not found numbers like this before this week so I feel like they added a new dimension to my project, despite the heaviness of the material. Next I will be talking more about wills and inheritance because I found a few sites that explain the laws a little bit better. There is still a lot of legal jargon to wade through but compared to what I had so far, these will be helpful.
Source
Canudas-Romo, Vladimir, Dana Glei, Rosa Gomez-Redondo, Edviges Coelho, and Carl Boe. "Mortality Changes in the Iberian Peninsula in the Last Decades of the Twentieth Century." Population (English Edition, 2002-) 63, no. 2 (Apr.- Jun., 2008): 319-343. http://www,jstor.org/stable/27645349 (accessed November 30, 2013).
LIFE EXPECTANCY
In 2005, the life expectancy for a Portuguese woman was 81.3 years. For a man it was 74.9 years. These numbers experienced a great increase from 1950, when females lived to about 61 and males lived to around 55.8 years old. These showed jumps of 20.3 and 19.1 years, respectively. Yet, just since 2005, life expectancy has yet again risen. Women now enjoy 83 years on average and men can live to 77 years. In 1950, when life expectancy was much lower, the death rates among children less than 1 year old was also high. Out of every 1000 children, 100 deaths would occur, at least among the males of the population. More recently this probability has dropped. Now children 5 years old and younger experience a mortality rate of 4 out of every 1000. The probability of dying between 15 and 60 years old stands at 117 out of 1000 for men and 50 out of 1000 for women.
EXCESS MORTALITY
In the early 1960s, Portugal faced an excess in mortality due to a high death rate among babies, children, and adolescents. Throughout the rest of the twentieth century the country was also found to have excess mortality during the winter months, compared to the rest of Western Europe. This was due to a lack of thermal efficiency in housing and an income inequality. By 2003, the excess amounts of mortality in Portugal were due to endocrine and metabolic diseases, mostly found in those aged 60 to 79.
CAUSES OF DEATH
The study listed the top eight causes of death that make up the biggest proportions of total deaths in Portugal from 1980 to 2003. These include circulatory system diseases, neoplasms, ill-defined conditions, endocrine/metabolic diseases, external causes, infectious diseases, digestive system diseases, and mental disorders. Other leading causes of death in Portugal included cerebrovascular mortality; this type of death was higher in Portugal than all the rest of Western Europe in 2002. In 2005, death caused by HIV in Portugal became higher than anywhere else in Western Europe. Portuguese men are more likely than women to die in accidents, as a result of suicide, or by undetermined causes. This is also true in comparison to Spanish men as well, at least as of 2003.
These facts are still dense, even in this shortened form but they added a new aspect to my project that I had not had before. My focus so far has been on rituals, religious and social, and wills and inheritance. I had not found numbers like this before this week so I feel like they added a new dimension to my project, despite the heaviness of the material. Next I will be talking more about wills and inheritance because I found a few sites that explain the laws a little bit better. There is still a lot of legal jargon to wade through but compared to what I had so far, these will be helpful.
Source
Canudas-Romo, Vladimir, Dana Glei, Rosa Gomez-Redondo, Edviges Coelho, and Carl Boe. "Mortality Changes in the Iberian Peninsula in the Last Decades of the Twentieth Century." Population (English Edition, 2002-) 63, no. 2 (Apr.- Jun., 2008): 319-343. http://www,jstor.org/stable/27645349 (accessed November 30, 2013).
Sunday, November 17, 2013
A Grab Bag of Facts
This week I had to return one of my most valuable sources for the project to the library so I am waiting to be able to check it back out, quite impatiently. Since I lost that source I decided to do a grab bag of facts for this weeks post and hope that I get the other source back soon. As such I am going to start with a little about death certificates, the consequences of death among spouses, the abolition of the death penalty, some cultural facts, information about Portuguese funerals, and then end with mourning traditions.
DEATH CERTIFICATES
The civil registry in Portugal requires all Portuguese citizens' deaths that take place abroad to be reported to the Civil Registry Office; the same place where that person's birth was recorded. Registration can be requested through the Portuguese Consulate that is located in the area where the death occurred. A certified copy of the death certificate, as well as a Portuguese identification card and a certified copy of the person's birth certificate, must be submitted to the nearest Portuguese Consulate.
DEATH AMONG SPOUSES
When one spouse dies, the matrimonial property regime is cancelled and if there was community property, it is divided up. The living spouse would receive their share of the community property and the other part of it would go to the deceased's estate. The surviving spouse and any children inherit the same amount of estate but the spouse will not receive less than a quarter of the inheritance. If there are no children, then the spouse receives two thirds of the estate and any ascendants receive the other portion. If the only surviving heir is the spouse of the deceased, then the spouse retains the full inheritance.
DEATH PENALTY
In 1852, the death penalty was abolished for political offenses in Portugal and was again abolished in 1867 for civil offences. These abolitions happened under the reigns of Maria II and King Luis, respectively. Despite these actions, the army still used the death penalty in Portugal until 1911. It was completely abolished under the Constitution of the Portuguese First Republic, at least for the first time. During World War I, it was reintroduced in cases of treason during war but was restricted to being applied only in war settings. In 1976 the death penalty was completely abolished for the second time under a new democratic regime whose constitution stated that the death penalty was not to be used for any reason. Portugal was the first European country to abolish the death penalty. It has not been used for political purposes since 1834. The last recorded execution was in 1846, for a civil offence, in the city of Lagos. The last time a woman was faced with the death penalty in Portugal was in 1772.
CULTURAL STUFF
When someone dies in Portugal, after the church bells ring to announce the death, doors and gates to the deceased's house are often opened so that relatives and neighbors can enter and begin mourning. Each village has burial societies, or confrarias. All Saints Day is used to revere those who have passed on. Mourning is signified by black clothing; often widows will wear it for the rest of their lives, while other family members will wear the color for varying amounts of time. There are various death cults found around Portugal and many cities have their own communities of mediums who claim to talk to the dead.
FUNERALS
Around 97% of all Portuguese citizens claim to be practicing Catholics. The Church has standardized funeral ceremonies to high degree but even the most faithful still finds ways to personalize the funerals of their loved ones. Funerals are a huge deal to the Portuguese because family is so important in their culture. Hearses in Portugal are different from the type one would see in America or elsewhere in the western world. Although the vehicle is similar (close to a van), there is a raised platform in the back of the hearse that can be seen through the back wall which is made of glass. This allows the public to see into the hearse and look at the casket as the procession goes by. The procession is extremely slow moving and mourners always accompany the hearse to the cemetery. The only times the procession does not take place is when the walk is extremely long.
I realize that these facts are not organized, highly randomized, and extremely short stated, but that is what the grab bag title is all about. I have ran into some roadblocks lately with my project so I decided to go with the sporadic this week. Unfortunately I do not think that I will be able to incorporate much material about death rituals in Portuguese colonies, mostly because Brazil was the most important colony and all the information I have found is for Brazil after it became independent. Yes the customs would still be based on Portuguese traditions but I was really hoping for more colonial information. Therefore I am not completely ruling out that subject but it has fallen lower on my list of priorities for now. I want to delve more into the idea of inheritance and wills in the next week if possible because that seems to be a more complex subject and one that I feel like has been an issue in Portuguese death rituals since the beginning. Hopefully I can find a good source that easily explains the customs because so far everything is kind of hard to understand in legal terms. Hopefully the grab bag topics provided some filler information to my broader topic posts; at least for me they did.
SOURCES
http://www.embassyportugal-us.org/Embassy_of_Portugal/Death_Certificates.html
http://www.coupleseurope.eu/en/portugal/topics/6-what-are-the-consequences-of-death/
http://en.www.mcu.es/patrimonio/MC/PatrimonioEur/Red/Portugal_Abolicion_penademuerte.html
http://www.everyculture.com/No-Sa/Portugal.html
https://mysendoff.com/2011/06/portuguese-funerals/
DEATH CERTIFICATES
The civil registry in Portugal requires all Portuguese citizens' deaths that take place abroad to be reported to the Civil Registry Office; the same place where that person's birth was recorded. Registration can be requested through the Portuguese Consulate that is located in the area where the death occurred. A certified copy of the death certificate, as well as a Portuguese identification card and a certified copy of the person's birth certificate, must be submitted to the nearest Portuguese Consulate.
DEATH AMONG SPOUSES
When one spouse dies, the matrimonial property regime is cancelled and if there was community property, it is divided up. The living spouse would receive their share of the community property and the other part of it would go to the deceased's estate. The surviving spouse and any children inherit the same amount of estate but the spouse will not receive less than a quarter of the inheritance. If there are no children, then the spouse receives two thirds of the estate and any ascendants receive the other portion. If the only surviving heir is the spouse of the deceased, then the spouse retains the full inheritance.
DEATH PENALTY
In 1852, the death penalty was abolished for political offenses in Portugal and was again abolished in 1867 for civil offences. These abolitions happened under the reigns of Maria II and King Luis, respectively. Despite these actions, the army still used the death penalty in Portugal until 1911. It was completely abolished under the Constitution of the Portuguese First Republic, at least for the first time. During World War I, it was reintroduced in cases of treason during war but was restricted to being applied only in war settings. In 1976 the death penalty was completely abolished for the second time under a new democratic regime whose constitution stated that the death penalty was not to be used for any reason. Portugal was the first European country to abolish the death penalty. It has not been used for political purposes since 1834. The last recorded execution was in 1846, for a civil offence, in the city of Lagos. The last time a woman was faced with the death penalty in Portugal was in 1772.
CULTURAL STUFF
When someone dies in Portugal, after the church bells ring to announce the death, doors and gates to the deceased's house are often opened so that relatives and neighbors can enter and begin mourning. Each village has burial societies, or confrarias. All Saints Day is used to revere those who have passed on. Mourning is signified by black clothing; often widows will wear it for the rest of their lives, while other family members will wear the color for varying amounts of time. There are various death cults found around Portugal and many cities have their own communities of mediums who claim to talk to the dead.
FUNERALS
Around 97% of all Portuguese citizens claim to be practicing Catholics. The Church has standardized funeral ceremonies to high degree but even the most faithful still finds ways to personalize the funerals of their loved ones. Funerals are a huge deal to the Portuguese because family is so important in their culture. Hearses in Portugal are different from the type one would see in America or elsewhere in the western world. Although the vehicle is similar (close to a van), there is a raised platform in the back of the hearse that can be seen through the back wall which is made of glass. This allows the public to see into the hearse and look at the casket as the procession goes by. The procession is extremely slow moving and mourners always accompany the hearse to the cemetery. The only times the procession does not take place is when the walk is extremely long.
I realize that these facts are not organized, highly randomized, and extremely short stated, but that is what the grab bag title is all about. I have ran into some roadblocks lately with my project so I decided to go with the sporadic this week. Unfortunately I do not think that I will be able to incorporate much material about death rituals in Portuguese colonies, mostly because Brazil was the most important colony and all the information I have found is for Brazil after it became independent. Yes the customs would still be based on Portuguese traditions but I was really hoping for more colonial information. Therefore I am not completely ruling out that subject but it has fallen lower on my list of priorities for now. I want to delve more into the idea of inheritance and wills in the next week if possible because that seems to be a more complex subject and one that I feel like has been an issue in Portuguese death rituals since the beginning. Hopefully I can find a good source that easily explains the customs because so far everything is kind of hard to understand in legal terms. Hopefully the grab bag topics provided some filler information to my broader topic posts; at least for me they did.
SOURCES
http://www.embassyportugal-us.org/Embassy_of_Portugal/Death_Certificates.html
http://www.coupleseurope.eu/en/portugal/topics/6-what-are-the-consequences-of-death/
http://en.www.mcu.es/patrimonio/MC/PatrimonioEur/Red/Portugal_Abolicion_penademuerte.html
http://www.everyculture.com/No-Sa/Portugal.html
https://mysendoff.com/2011/06/portuguese-funerals/
Sunday, October 27, 2013
The Importance of Wills
This week I researched the importance of wills during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries in Portugal. This was based on the essay "Testamentary Practices in Venade (Minho), 1755-1815)" by Margarida Durães. The author looks at the parish of Venade in the Municipality of Caminha to determine the use of wills and their importance in that one parish. I was able to discern information about Portuguese wills in general from her work, as well as a few interesting things about the area of Minho as well.
HOW TO MAKE A WILL
There are two ways to make a will, either by making them open or closed. An open will, also known as a nuncupative will, is one that is made in front of witnesses. A closed will is one that is written, then sealed, so that witnesses will not know what is in it until the writer is dead. Wills would only be valid if a few rules were followed. If the will was written out, as opposed to being a word of mouth transaction, the bequeather had to sign it himself or have it signed on his behalf if he was unable to write. After the will was signed it would then be taken to a public notary would would register it in legal forms in front of five witnesses. Open wills could be made by the bequeather, the notary, the bequeather's representative, or by word of mouth when the bequeather is on his deathbed. Regardless of how a will is made, several witnesses had to sign it for it to be legal.
MAKING WILLS IN PORTUGAL
By the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, making wills was becoming a widespread practice in Portugal. Prior to this time period, wills had been things that only the privileged made, or that were made in special circumstances like when property was being left to someone when a person left to enter a monastery. As the tradition of wills became more common for even the non privileged, the practices that went along with making a will differed between the social realm and the legal realm.
The legal side of wills began to shrink as notaries began to play a smaller role in the creation of wills. They were still able to write a will but they were more often called just to approve one. This approval was then registered in the will, which was kept by the bequeather until his death. Both open and closed wills were approved but more often than not, closed wills had the register of notary approval. Open wills tended to just be signed with witness signatures instead.
As the legal realm of wills became less important, the clerical side of wills began to grow. Clergymen began to play a larger role in the creation of wills because they said that wills were needed for a "good death". Priests were also called on often by people who couldn't write, mostly in rural areas where illiteracy rates were higher. Although priests and clergy were seeming to be helpful and proclaiming a good death, they also used their influence in creating wills to make a profit. When a bequeather died, the priests would demand that his will was presented by the heirs so that it could be transcribed. This transcription could either be in full or just the portions pertaining to the "pious vows" (Durães, 90). Transcription was strictly controlled by the idea of visitation each year. If wills were not provided at the time of visitation, people would be fined.
WILLS IN VENADE
From 1755-1815 in Venade, only 54.8% of the population made wills. The other half of the population died intestate, or without having made a will, and was made up of mostly single people, with some married people and widowers added to the mix. Before the eighteenth century, wills were made largely by men but by the turn of the century women were also creating wills. In Venade almost 70% of the wills created at this time period were for women.
Those who died without a will were often awarded a "bem de alma", literally a "good thing to the soul" (Durães, 92). The bem de alma was paid for by the heir of the deceased. This heir was often the one entitled to the terça do terço, or the "third of the third" (Durães, 95). The third references the freely disposable part of one's own property, so the heir was the one who was entitled to the third of the disposable part of property.
The heir could then only benefit from his inheritance once the pious legacy of the deceased had been fulfilled. The pious legacy refers to the social status of the dead, the number of priests to be at the funeral, the number of masses to be said, the alimony to be given to the poor, the donations to institutions, the death shroud, and the place of burial. Once all of these things were given and paid for, then the legacy would be fulfilled and the heir could claim his inheritance.
Margarida Durães presents useful information on the creation of wills in Portugal and their actual use in the parish of Venade. Wills are often used by historians as a way to understand what was important in life and in death to people. Durães takes this idea and shows how legal practice, clergymen, and inheritance all were a part of the will creating and executing process during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This information helps to better understand death practices in Portugal and how people prepared for death and the aftermath of their deaths.
Pictures
Picture 1 - Map of Portugal, showing Caminha near the top left. Picture found at http://www.manorhouses.com/ports/map.gif
Picture 2 - Image of a Last Will and Testament. Picture found at http://i.telegraph.co.uk/multimedia/archive/02084/will_2084137b.jpg
Sources
Chapter 5 Durães, Margarida. "Testamentary Practices in Venade (Minho), 1755-1815." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
Picture 1
HOW TO MAKE A WILL
There are two ways to make a will, either by making them open or closed. An open will, also known as a nuncupative will, is one that is made in front of witnesses. A closed will is one that is written, then sealed, so that witnesses will not know what is in it until the writer is dead. Wills would only be valid if a few rules were followed. If the will was written out, as opposed to being a word of mouth transaction, the bequeather had to sign it himself or have it signed on his behalf if he was unable to write. After the will was signed it would then be taken to a public notary would would register it in legal forms in front of five witnesses. Open wills could be made by the bequeather, the notary, the bequeather's representative, or by word of mouth when the bequeather is on his deathbed. Regardless of how a will is made, several witnesses had to sign it for it to be legal.
MAKING WILLS IN PORTUGAL
By the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, making wills was becoming a widespread practice in Portugal. Prior to this time period, wills had been things that only the privileged made, or that were made in special circumstances like when property was being left to someone when a person left to enter a monastery. As the tradition of wills became more common for even the non privileged, the practices that went along with making a will differed between the social realm and the legal realm.
The legal side of wills began to shrink as notaries began to play a smaller role in the creation of wills. They were still able to write a will but they were more often called just to approve one. This approval was then registered in the will, which was kept by the bequeather until his death. Both open and closed wills were approved but more often than not, closed wills had the register of notary approval. Open wills tended to just be signed with witness signatures instead.
As the legal realm of wills became less important, the clerical side of wills began to grow. Clergymen began to play a larger role in the creation of wills because they said that wills were needed for a "good death". Priests were also called on often by people who couldn't write, mostly in rural areas where illiteracy rates were higher. Although priests and clergy were seeming to be helpful and proclaiming a good death, they also used their influence in creating wills to make a profit. When a bequeather died, the priests would demand that his will was presented by the heirs so that it could be transcribed. This transcription could either be in full or just the portions pertaining to the "pious vows" (Durães, 90). Transcription was strictly controlled by the idea of visitation each year. If wills were not provided at the time of visitation, people would be fined.
WILLS IN VENADE
From 1755-1815 in Venade, only 54.8% of the population made wills. The other half of the population died intestate, or without having made a will, and was made up of mostly single people, with some married people and widowers added to the mix. Before the eighteenth century, wills were made largely by men but by the turn of the century women were also creating wills. In Venade almost 70% of the wills created at this time period were for women.
Picture 2
Those who died without a will were often awarded a "bem de alma", literally a "good thing to the soul" (Durães, 92). The bem de alma was paid for by the heir of the deceased. This heir was often the one entitled to the terça do terço, or the "third of the third" (Durães, 95). The third references the freely disposable part of one's own property, so the heir was the one who was entitled to the third of the disposable part of property.
The heir could then only benefit from his inheritance once the pious legacy of the deceased had been fulfilled. The pious legacy refers to the social status of the dead, the number of priests to be at the funeral, the number of masses to be said, the alimony to be given to the poor, the donations to institutions, the death shroud, and the place of burial. Once all of these things were given and paid for, then the legacy would be fulfilled and the heir could claim his inheritance.
Margarida Durães presents useful information on the creation of wills in Portugal and their actual use in the parish of Venade. Wills are often used by historians as a way to understand what was important in life and in death to people. Durães takes this idea and shows how legal practice, clergymen, and inheritance all were a part of the will creating and executing process during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This information helps to better understand death practices in Portugal and how people prepared for death and the aftermath of their deaths.
Pictures
Picture 1 - Map of Portugal, showing Caminha near the top left. Picture found at http://www.manorhouses.com/ports/map.gif
Picture 2 - Image of a Last Will and Testament. Picture found at http://i.telegraph.co.uk/multimedia/archive/02084/will_2084137b.jpg
Sources
Chapter 5 Durães, Margarida. "Testamentary Practices in Venade (Minho), 1755-1815." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
Sunday, October 13, 2013
Religious and Social Aspects of Death According to Patricia Goldey
This week I revisited Patricia Goldey's essay "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity". Before I had discussed what she described a "good death" to be and the rituals that take place upon death in Portugal. This week I read more about the religious background of death from a historical viewpoint and the social aspects of burial and death rituals. Goldey once again proved to be an invaluable source of information and I cannot stress how glad I am to have discovered her essay.
RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND OF DEATH RITUALS
In Portugal, most of the northern citizens were historically Catholic, while in rural areas there was more religious diversity, not much more but there were a few other religious faiths. This heavy Catholic faith meant that death rituals were closely related to the religion and that church edicts carried much weight in rituals and traditions.
In 610 A.D. the Second Council of Braga declared that churches could no longer be used as burial places and that the dead must be interred outside of the wall of the church. This edict was kept in place until the 11th century when the dead again were buried within the church. The Second Council of Braga's injunction became wide public policy by the 19th century though. The year 1835 ushered in the arrival of public cemeteries in rural areas; until this point all burials took place in the adros (floors) of churches or in the private cemeteries of military hospitals and misericords. Some areas of land were also blessed for burial after the cholera epidemic of 1832. The majority of Portuguese cemeteries were created in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Another religious aspect of death in Portugal is related to the belief in "wandering souls", or the deceased who don't have time to settle their accounts before they died or those whose relatives didn't fulfill the religious requirements of burial. This belief relates to the idea of a good death because those who become wandering souls are those who do not die a good death. This also shows that the Portuguese believe in a life after death. These wandering souls appear as ghosts, known as aventesmas or sombras in Portuguese, or as tormented souls (almas penadas). They can be encountered at night outside of the village or near the cemetery which is usually placed within or very close to the village. These souls can also appear to close relatives in dreams.
Goldey cites three reasons for the appearance of wandering souls. The first is that the dead were left unburied so they have no final resting place and can't enter into heaven. The second reason is that the dead's kin failed to perform the customary rituals. Goldey's third reason is that the dead committed some injustice that was not remedied before their death. The most common type of injustice that is spoken of in these cases is that of moving boundary stones in order to gain a few extra feet of land from their neighbors.
Deaths that occur in the mountains or by accident are cause for unease in Portugal because it can take several days for a body to be recovered. This allows for wild animals to have a chance to ravage the body and it means that there is a delay in the burial ritual, a ritual that normally takes place the day after death occurs. Despite these types of death and the problems they present, the deceased's family still has to fulfill their obligations to the dead even though the proper ritual and order of events was not able to be observed. Accidental and mountain deaths both can result in wandering souls and deaths that are not ideal.
Goldey then focuses on rituals that took place historically that were frowned upon by the Church and as such, are no longer practiced today. She does discuss some of the rituals that took the place of these older traditions and how they are daily reminders of the dead. The historical traditions are the encomendação das almas and the rezadas em comum.
The encomendação das almas ritual was a public gathering that took place inside the church during every day of Lent. The dead members of the village would be named individually and commemorated in a prayer for their souls. This ritual lasted about an hour and was attended by all the village adults. This was a non-Catholic ritual which is why the Church tried to get rid of it. Today, only middle aged and elderly citizens remember participating in this tradition because it faded out during the 20th century. Now, every day of Lent has a new ritual that takes place in the church but it is led by a group of women and the priest is not present or involved. The Rosary is recited for souls in Purgatory and not all village members attend this ritual, most of the time it is just women.
The rezadas em comum is the second community wide ritual that the Church tried to stamp out of Portuguese traditions. This practice is now only remembered by the elderly because it faded out by the 1920s. This ritual took place on January 20th, when villagers met in the open air to pray to Saint Sebastian. Married men led this tradition and every person who attended was called forward to say a prayer, the "em louvor do mártir São Sebastião". This ritual was considered a holy day and all work was suspended as long as prayers continued.
Some of the ways that the dead are commemorated daily in Portugal still include alminhas, crosses, calvaries, stone cairns, and wooden or stone crosses. Alminhas are small painted niches in house walls that, every time someone walks by, an Our Father is said for souls in Purgatory. Crosses and calvaries that are displayed are used as daily reminders of the dead, in the house and in public. Stone cairns, found in the hills and on roadsides, are built by people who pass by and place a stone at the site while praying for people who were killed in an accident or by violence. Wooden and stone crosses placed on roadsides and in fields mark the places where death occurred and when people come across them they are supposed to stop and say an Our Father for the souls in Purgatory.
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF OF BURIAL AND DEATH RITUALS
After discussing the religious aspect of death and its traditions, Goldey moves on to the social aspects of death in Portugal. This section of her essay focused largely on what happens to land and inheritances when the head of a household dies, as well as the wills that the dead leave behind. When the head of the household dies, the land that they owned is transferred from the deceased land owner to a new one. Wills of the deceased in Portugal often laid out specifically how many masses the dead wanted said for them, how many priests they wanted to have say masses and prayers, as well as the amount of money they were willing to pay to the priests and the churches for these services. When it came to children, both in secular and religious aspects of death rituals, there was no place for them to partake in the traditions. They were considered to be anjinhos, or little angels, giving them no place in post death land redistribution and inheritances.
CONCLUSION
Patricia Goldey's essay ends by recapping her main points. The Portuguese idea of a good death is concerned with property transfers and individual salvation. Death rituals and traditions are operated on three different levels. The first is the individual, where salvation is the main point but the emphasis is on salvation in the sense of safety, meaning freedom from the torment of Hell and Purgatory, or the return to life. The second is the individual and kin, which involves land inheritance arrangements. The third level is that of the kin, where obligations fall on several individuals but mostly on the heir or heirs. This level stresses the separation of kin and the casa, or family and the house, from other landholding neighbors. Also, death and burial rituals, according to Goldey, reconcile the separation and competition of individual casas (houses) in other aspects of daily life that affects the entire village.
Patricia Goldey has offered many, many insights into death and dying, ritual and tradition, in Portugal throughout history and into the modern day. She discusses the idea of a good death, the many rituals surrounding death, the historical religious viewpoint of death, and the social aspects of burial and death rituals. These topics all give a good look into what death and dying is like in Portugal and they are written about succinctly and with much detail. This has most definitely been an amazing source for my research.
Pictures
Picture 1 - Misericórdia Church, Viseu, Portugal. Picture found at http://www.rgbstock.com/photo/2dk8Ene/viseu+church
Picture 2 - Alminhas de Padornelo VIII. Picture found at http://padornelo.blogs.sapo.pt/tag/alminhas
Sources
Chapter 1 Goldey, Patricia. "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND OF DEATH RITUALS
In Portugal, most of the northern citizens were historically Catholic, while in rural areas there was more religious diversity, not much more but there were a few other religious faiths. This heavy Catholic faith meant that death rituals were closely related to the religion and that church edicts carried much weight in rituals and traditions.
Picture 1
Another religious aspect of death in Portugal is related to the belief in "wandering souls", or the deceased who don't have time to settle their accounts before they died or those whose relatives didn't fulfill the religious requirements of burial. This belief relates to the idea of a good death because those who become wandering souls are those who do not die a good death. This also shows that the Portuguese believe in a life after death. These wandering souls appear as ghosts, known as aventesmas or sombras in Portuguese, or as tormented souls (almas penadas). They can be encountered at night outside of the village or near the cemetery which is usually placed within or very close to the village. These souls can also appear to close relatives in dreams.
Goldey cites three reasons for the appearance of wandering souls. The first is that the dead were left unburied so they have no final resting place and can't enter into heaven. The second reason is that the dead's kin failed to perform the customary rituals. Goldey's third reason is that the dead committed some injustice that was not remedied before their death. The most common type of injustice that is spoken of in these cases is that of moving boundary stones in order to gain a few extra feet of land from their neighbors.
Deaths that occur in the mountains or by accident are cause for unease in Portugal because it can take several days for a body to be recovered. This allows for wild animals to have a chance to ravage the body and it means that there is a delay in the burial ritual, a ritual that normally takes place the day after death occurs. Despite these types of death and the problems they present, the deceased's family still has to fulfill their obligations to the dead even though the proper ritual and order of events was not able to be observed. Accidental and mountain deaths both can result in wandering souls and deaths that are not ideal.
Goldey then focuses on rituals that took place historically that were frowned upon by the Church and as such, are no longer practiced today. She does discuss some of the rituals that took the place of these older traditions and how they are daily reminders of the dead. The historical traditions are the encomendação das almas and the rezadas em comum.
The encomendação das almas ritual was a public gathering that took place inside the church during every day of Lent. The dead members of the village would be named individually and commemorated in a prayer for their souls. This ritual lasted about an hour and was attended by all the village adults. This was a non-Catholic ritual which is why the Church tried to get rid of it. Today, only middle aged and elderly citizens remember participating in this tradition because it faded out during the 20th century. Now, every day of Lent has a new ritual that takes place in the church but it is led by a group of women and the priest is not present or involved. The Rosary is recited for souls in Purgatory and not all village members attend this ritual, most of the time it is just women.
The rezadas em comum is the second community wide ritual that the Church tried to stamp out of Portuguese traditions. This practice is now only remembered by the elderly because it faded out by the 1920s. This ritual took place on January 20th, when villagers met in the open air to pray to Saint Sebastian. Married men led this tradition and every person who attended was called forward to say a prayer, the "em louvor do mártir São Sebastião". This ritual was considered a holy day and all work was suspended as long as prayers continued.
Some of the ways that the dead are commemorated daily in Portugal still include alminhas, crosses, calvaries, stone cairns, and wooden or stone crosses. Alminhas are small painted niches in house walls that, every time someone walks by, an Our Father is said for souls in Purgatory. Crosses and calvaries that are displayed are used as daily reminders of the dead, in the house and in public. Stone cairns, found in the hills and on roadsides, are built by people who pass by and place a stone at the site while praying for people who were killed in an accident or by violence. Wooden and stone crosses placed on roadsides and in fields mark the places where death occurred and when people come across them they are supposed to stop and say an Our Father for the souls in Purgatory.
Picture 2
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF OF BURIAL AND DEATH RITUALS
After discussing the religious aspect of death and its traditions, Goldey moves on to the social aspects of death in Portugal. This section of her essay focused largely on what happens to land and inheritances when the head of a household dies, as well as the wills that the dead leave behind. When the head of the household dies, the land that they owned is transferred from the deceased land owner to a new one. Wills of the deceased in Portugal often laid out specifically how many masses the dead wanted said for them, how many priests they wanted to have say masses and prayers, as well as the amount of money they were willing to pay to the priests and the churches for these services. When it came to children, both in secular and religious aspects of death rituals, there was no place for them to partake in the traditions. They were considered to be anjinhos, or little angels, giving them no place in post death land redistribution and inheritances.
CONCLUSION
Patricia Goldey's essay ends by recapping her main points. The Portuguese idea of a good death is concerned with property transfers and individual salvation. Death rituals and traditions are operated on three different levels. The first is the individual, where salvation is the main point but the emphasis is on salvation in the sense of safety, meaning freedom from the torment of Hell and Purgatory, or the return to life. The second is the individual and kin, which involves land inheritance arrangements. The third level is that of the kin, where obligations fall on several individuals but mostly on the heir or heirs. This level stresses the separation of kin and the casa, or family and the house, from other landholding neighbors. Also, death and burial rituals, according to Goldey, reconcile the separation and competition of individual casas (houses) in other aspects of daily life that affects the entire village.
Patricia Goldey has offered many, many insights into death and dying, ritual and tradition, in Portugal throughout history and into the modern day. She discusses the idea of a good death, the many rituals surrounding death, the historical religious viewpoint of death, and the social aspects of burial and death rituals. These topics all give a good look into what death and dying is like in Portugal and they are written about succinctly and with much detail. This has most definitely been an amazing source for my research.
Pictures
Picture 1 - Misericórdia Church, Viseu, Portugal. Picture found at http://www.rgbstock.com/photo/2dk8Ene/viseu+church
Picture 2 - Alminhas de Padornelo VIII. Picture found at http://padornelo.blogs.sapo.pt/tag/alminhas
Sources
Chapter 1 Goldey, Patricia. "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
Sunday, September 29, 2013
Modern Day Death Rituals
Last week I touched on an essay by Patricia Goldey that discussed the traditions that take place in Portugal when someone dies. These rituals served as past and present traditions. This week I researched based on a website I had found called SPN Funeral Plans LDA. This website lays out the steps that one would take when a loved one dies.
It begins by distinguishing between an at home death and one that occurs in a hospital. When someone dies at home, if they have been recently seen by a doctor then that doctor would need to be notified and would come to remove the body. If the deceased had not been seen by a doctor then the police would need to be informed and they would come to remove the body from the home. In either case, unless foul play was suggested, the body would be taken to the Tanatorio, or the funeral parlour.
Once the body is taken to the funeral parlour and the next of kin is notified (assuming they didn't already know) the family begins discussing funeral arrangements with the Tanatorio. They would meet with the director and fill out a Contract that establishes what is to happen to the body. The decision must be made between burial and cremation. Several questions would be asked at this point because if the ashes were to be tossed into the wind or buried, they would require two different types of urns. After a burial process is decided upon either the family or the Tanatorio would arrange the funeral service.
Other details involved in the planning of the service include the cancellation of the deceased's passport, arranging for flowers or monetary donations, organizing a niche in the cemetery for the body to be placed into, and arranging for the payment to be received by the funeral parlour. The Tanatorio handles the arranging of the niche and can handle the ordering of flower arrangements. The family is required to handle monetary donations and making sure the parlour receives its payment.
Once the funeral is arranged and taken care of the family is responsible for notifying the appropriate organizations and individuals of the death. These people require death certificates to be sent to them and these certificates must be signed by a judge. Death certificates can be obtained at the Civil Registry which is found at the Court Building. If any additional death certificates, beyond those that are originally allowed, are needed then the family must request them from the Civil Registry again.
This website was useful in understanding the steps that are taken in Portugal today when someone dies and a funeral needs to be planned. The SPN Funeral Plans LDA is a company that was formed by a group of professionals. This website is clearly a promotional tool to help expand their business. Funeral plans can be applied for on the website and there is a hot line number to instantly connect you to a someone from the business. Despite the propaganda that this site uses, I felt like it was a worthwhile site to include in my research because it is a first hand source into what the funerary practices of Portugal are today. The fact that its a professional group of people who developed the site also made it seem more credible in my opinion.
Picture 1 - SPN Funeral Plans LDA header image from website http://www.spnfuneralplans.com/media/images/spn-header2.jpg
Source - SPN Funeral Plans LDA. "Death Procedures." SPN Funeral Plans LDA. http://www.spnfuneralplans-portugal.com/deathprocedures.html (accessed 9-27-13).
Picture 1
Once the body is taken to the funeral parlour and the next of kin is notified (assuming they didn't already know) the family begins discussing funeral arrangements with the Tanatorio. They would meet with the director and fill out a Contract that establishes what is to happen to the body. The decision must be made between burial and cremation. Several questions would be asked at this point because if the ashes were to be tossed into the wind or buried, they would require two different types of urns. After a burial process is decided upon either the family or the Tanatorio would arrange the funeral service.
Other details involved in the planning of the service include the cancellation of the deceased's passport, arranging for flowers or monetary donations, organizing a niche in the cemetery for the body to be placed into, and arranging for the payment to be received by the funeral parlour. The Tanatorio handles the arranging of the niche and can handle the ordering of flower arrangements. The family is required to handle monetary donations and making sure the parlour receives its payment.
Once the funeral is arranged and taken care of the family is responsible for notifying the appropriate organizations and individuals of the death. These people require death certificates to be sent to them and these certificates must be signed by a judge. Death certificates can be obtained at the Civil Registry which is found at the Court Building. If any additional death certificates, beyond those that are originally allowed, are needed then the family must request them from the Civil Registry again.
This website was useful in understanding the steps that are taken in Portugal today when someone dies and a funeral needs to be planned. The SPN Funeral Plans LDA is a company that was formed by a group of professionals. This website is clearly a promotional tool to help expand their business. Funeral plans can be applied for on the website and there is a hot line number to instantly connect you to a someone from the business. Despite the propaganda that this site uses, I felt like it was a worthwhile site to include in my research because it is a first hand source into what the funerary practices of Portugal are today. The fact that its a professional group of people who developed the site also made it seem more credible in my opinion.
Picture 1 - SPN Funeral Plans LDA header image from website http://www.spnfuneralplans.com/media/images/spn-header2.jpg
Source - SPN Funeral Plans LDA. "Death Procedures." SPN Funeral Plans LDA. http://www.spnfuneralplans-portugal.com/deathprocedures.html (accessed 9-27-13).
Sunday, September 22, 2013
Patricia Goldey is a LIfesaver
This week's research has led to many interesting and thought provoking discoveries. Patricia Goldey's essay "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity" has been a lifesaver in regards to learning about Portuguese death rituals. The essay has so much information that I've decided to break it up into different posts, today focusing on two of her main points.
THE GOOD DEATH
The first section of Goldey's essay covers a topic that she deems "The Good Death". This is something that I believe most religions and cultures share but Goldey goes into detail about the Portuguese idea of what constitutes a good death. She begins by pointing out that it is really a medieval type of notion but that it is one that is still employed in today's mind of thought.
In Portugal, a good death involves resisting temptation towards despair and pride while also being repentant for sins that have been committed. It also means that dying at home, with good warning, is ideal because it allows people to prepare for the end with the traditional ceremonial aspects of doing a public accounting. This accounting, according to Goldey, includes forgiving one's enemies, blessing your friends and family, and paying off any debts. By organizing the end of one's life, spiritually and practically, one is allowing for a good death to occur. Family, children, and friends all play a role in the end of a person's life and in the creation of a good death as well.
Goldey then portrays what constitutes the opposite of a good death for reasons of comparison. People who die as a result of an accident are especially mourned for they are not given a chance to prepare themselves for death. It is also seen to be a horrible for someone to die away from their family and their village, or even in today's times, from Portugal. These people, whether dying or dead, are brought back to their home village at all costs for burial. This used to mean that if they were away from their hometown they would be carted back in a procession, but today it can also mean that terminal hospital patients are taken back to their homes or people who are abroad are brought back to their village for burial from overseas.
This section of Patricia Goldey's essay clearly shows that cultural traditions like the idea of a good death are still very much prominent in Portugal today, much as they were in the past. Death to the Portuguese can be seen as a good happenstance if everything is in order and there is forewarning, or it can be a sudden and tragic accident that is mourned more passionately.
DEATH RITUALS
This section of the essay was a fountain of information, most that was helpful in establishing what changes have occurred throughout the history of Portuguese death traditions, which is a part of my project that I am most interested in. This section laid out the complete ritual that the Portuguese follow when a person dies, beginning with announcing the death and ending with grieving times. It also shows that difference between adult death rituals and those that take place when children die.
Church bells toll in Portugal when someone dies. Traditionally they would toll from the time of death until the grave was closed as a reminder to pray for the soul. This has changed over time, and today the bell only rings out from when the body is moved from the house to the church. When a man dies there are an uneven number of tolls and when a women dies the bell rings an even number of times. When someone dies in their home the burial usually takes place the next day with the interim night spent in a wake at the house. During the wake, neighbors and visitors come, bringing food because cooking by the kin of the dead is to be avoided in order for them to spend more time mourning. The night is spent in ritual prayer, with crying, eating, drinking, and story telling also taking place.
The next morning, the funeral procession began. The village Procurador, someone who acted as a church warden, led the way to the church with a large crucifix. He is followed by another head of household who carries the church's banner. The coffin, carried by six men including the President of the Parish/Village Council, comes behind these two men. One man from each household then follows the coffin; these men are trailed by the priest and the women. None of the immediate family members attend the funeral at the church because crying is not allowed during the service and they cannot be trusted to not weep. Children, as during the wake, are not allowed to take part in this ritual.
As the procession begins, the doors and windows of the house are flung open and women begin to wail. This will last until mass begins at the church. Historically, wailers were used in every funeral but today they are less common. This is a result of mixed opinions; there are those who feel wailing is disruptive and too distressing to the family while others think it is a proper and fitting tribute to the dead. Wailers were often paid in food and close female relatives sometimes took part in this tradition, though not always.
During the funeral mass the coffin is left at the back of the church. After the service the procession then walks in the same order to the cemetery for the burial. The wailing begins again after mass, and traditionally lasted until sunset of that day. When leaving the church, poor people who were wailing outside were given small gifts by the relatives of the dead. People who attended the funeral were also given a gift of food after the services. After burial, the mattress and bedding of the dead were burnt as well.
The dead were always brought to the parish church by means of funeral procession. When someone from an outlying village passed on, the procession would follow sacramental paths that led to the parish church and had stops along the way that were marked by crosses. This stops were a place for resting and praying for the dead.
Goldey continues her essay by pointing out that despite the fact that the funeral is over and the dead is buried, the ritual of death is still taking place. Every Sunday in Portugal after mass, anybody who has lost someone in the last year travels to their graveside to pray and remember them. Every evening the church bell rings out for "Trindades", or an evening Angelus, which is a call for more prayer that helps to keep remembering the dead a part of each day. She also discusses mourning periods and customs at this point. Black is the traditional mourning color in Portugal, as in many places, and the grieving time differs based on one's relationship with the dead. A parent can grieve from 7 to 10 years while an in-law may only grieve for 2 to 3. When a husband dies the widow typically stays in mourning for the rest of her life and many older widows keep up the habit of wearing the "avental de costas". This is a black, rough woven, woolen apron style shawl that is worn over the head.
Children's deaths are treated very much differently than that of an adult and Patricia Goldey makes sure to show these differences. When a child dies there is no formal mourning or mourning period. There is a funeral mass said but only immediate family members are required to attend; this is different because when an adult dies at least one person from each village household attends the service. Children who die outside the womb are buried in the cemetery but those who are still born are treated even differently still. Stillborns are traditionally not interred in the cemetery; instead they are buried in the floor of the "corte" (the court, probably a basement) below the house. This practice of burying stillborn children under the house is not as prominent today. Yet the thing that struck me most about this tradition was the fact that the afterbirth was customarily buried under the corte. To me this seemed as though the stillborn children were not even considered kids. They were relegated to a spot that could be forgotten and not commemorated. This seems very odd to me; I am used to stillborn children being mourned as much as other children who die, as though they are already children who were lost before they could be known.
FINDINGS
Patricia Goldey's essay so far has given me a lot of useful information for my project. I know that this was a long post and that it's a lot to process but this is also some of the most important research to my overall subject. I learned about the Portuguese ideal of a good death and the rituals that take place when someone dies, at home or abroad, whether that person is an adult or a child. I hope to continue to find information that is this useful in my other sources but Goldey was definitely a lifesaving beginning point.
Picture 1 - a Good Friday Funeral Procession taking place in Braga, Portugal in 2010. Picture found at http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Good_Friday_Funeral_Procession_2010_(9).JPG
Sources
Chapter 1 Goldey, Patricia. "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
THE GOOD DEATH
The first section of Goldey's essay covers a topic that she deems "The Good Death". This is something that I believe most religions and cultures share but Goldey goes into detail about the Portuguese idea of what constitutes a good death. She begins by pointing out that it is really a medieval type of notion but that it is one that is still employed in today's mind of thought.
In Portugal, a good death involves resisting temptation towards despair and pride while also being repentant for sins that have been committed. It also means that dying at home, with good warning, is ideal because it allows people to prepare for the end with the traditional ceremonial aspects of doing a public accounting. This accounting, according to Goldey, includes forgiving one's enemies, blessing your friends and family, and paying off any debts. By organizing the end of one's life, spiritually and practically, one is allowing for a good death to occur. Family, children, and friends all play a role in the end of a person's life and in the creation of a good death as well.
Goldey then portrays what constitutes the opposite of a good death for reasons of comparison. People who die as a result of an accident are especially mourned for they are not given a chance to prepare themselves for death. It is also seen to be a horrible for someone to die away from their family and their village, or even in today's times, from Portugal. These people, whether dying or dead, are brought back to their home village at all costs for burial. This used to mean that if they were away from their hometown they would be carted back in a procession, but today it can also mean that terminal hospital patients are taken back to their homes or people who are abroad are brought back to their village for burial from overseas.
This section of Patricia Goldey's essay clearly shows that cultural traditions like the idea of a good death are still very much prominent in Portugal today, much as they were in the past. Death to the Portuguese can be seen as a good happenstance if everything is in order and there is forewarning, or it can be a sudden and tragic accident that is mourned more passionately.
DEATH RITUALS
This section of the essay was a fountain of information, most that was helpful in establishing what changes have occurred throughout the history of Portuguese death traditions, which is a part of my project that I am most interested in. This section laid out the complete ritual that the Portuguese follow when a person dies, beginning with announcing the death and ending with grieving times. It also shows that difference between adult death rituals and those that take place when children die.
Church bells toll in Portugal when someone dies. Traditionally they would toll from the time of death until the grave was closed as a reminder to pray for the soul. This has changed over time, and today the bell only rings out from when the body is moved from the house to the church. When a man dies there are an uneven number of tolls and when a women dies the bell rings an even number of times. When someone dies in their home the burial usually takes place the next day with the interim night spent in a wake at the house. During the wake, neighbors and visitors come, bringing food because cooking by the kin of the dead is to be avoided in order for them to spend more time mourning. The night is spent in ritual prayer, with crying, eating, drinking, and story telling also taking place.
The next morning, the funeral procession began. The village Procurador, someone who acted as a church warden, led the way to the church with a large crucifix. He is followed by another head of household who carries the church's banner. The coffin, carried by six men including the President of the Parish/Village Council, comes behind these two men. One man from each household then follows the coffin; these men are trailed by the priest and the women. None of the immediate family members attend the funeral at the church because crying is not allowed during the service and they cannot be trusted to not weep. Children, as during the wake, are not allowed to take part in this ritual.
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picture 1
As the procession begins, the doors and windows of the house are flung open and women begin to wail. This will last until mass begins at the church. Historically, wailers were used in every funeral but today they are less common. This is a result of mixed opinions; there are those who feel wailing is disruptive and too distressing to the family while others think it is a proper and fitting tribute to the dead. Wailers were often paid in food and close female relatives sometimes took part in this tradition, though not always.
During the funeral mass the coffin is left at the back of the church. After the service the procession then walks in the same order to the cemetery for the burial. The wailing begins again after mass, and traditionally lasted until sunset of that day. When leaving the church, poor people who were wailing outside were given small gifts by the relatives of the dead. People who attended the funeral were also given a gift of food after the services. After burial, the mattress and bedding of the dead were burnt as well.
The dead were always brought to the parish church by means of funeral procession. When someone from an outlying village passed on, the procession would follow sacramental paths that led to the parish church and had stops along the way that were marked by crosses. This stops were a place for resting and praying for the dead.
Goldey continues her essay by pointing out that despite the fact that the funeral is over and the dead is buried, the ritual of death is still taking place. Every Sunday in Portugal after mass, anybody who has lost someone in the last year travels to their graveside to pray and remember them. Every evening the church bell rings out for "Trindades", or an evening Angelus, which is a call for more prayer that helps to keep remembering the dead a part of each day. She also discusses mourning periods and customs at this point. Black is the traditional mourning color in Portugal, as in many places, and the grieving time differs based on one's relationship with the dead. A parent can grieve from 7 to 10 years while an in-law may only grieve for 2 to 3. When a husband dies the widow typically stays in mourning for the rest of her life and many older widows keep up the habit of wearing the "avental de costas". This is a black, rough woven, woolen apron style shawl that is worn over the head.
Children's deaths are treated very much differently than that of an adult and Patricia Goldey makes sure to show these differences. When a child dies there is no formal mourning or mourning period. There is a funeral mass said but only immediate family members are required to attend; this is different because when an adult dies at least one person from each village household attends the service. Children who die outside the womb are buried in the cemetery but those who are still born are treated even differently still. Stillborns are traditionally not interred in the cemetery; instead they are buried in the floor of the "corte" (the court, probably a basement) below the house. This practice of burying stillborn children under the house is not as prominent today. Yet the thing that struck me most about this tradition was the fact that the afterbirth was customarily buried under the corte. To me this seemed as though the stillborn children were not even considered kids. They were relegated to a spot that could be forgotten and not commemorated. This seems very odd to me; I am used to stillborn children being mourned as much as other children who die, as though they are already children who were lost before they could be known.
FINDINGS
Patricia Goldey's essay so far has given me a lot of useful information for my project. I know that this was a long post and that it's a lot to process but this is also some of the most important research to my overall subject. I learned about the Portuguese ideal of a good death and the rituals that take place when someone dies, at home or abroad, whether that person is an adult or a child. I hope to continue to find information that is this useful in my other sources but Goldey was definitely a lifesaving beginning point.
Picture 1 - a Good Friday Funeral Procession taking place in Braga, Portugal in 2010. Picture found at http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Good_Friday_Funeral_Procession_2010_(9).JPG
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Sources
Chapter 1 Goldey, Patricia. "The Good Death: Personal Salvation and Community Identity." Death in Portugal: Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History, edited by Rui Feijo, Herminio Martins, and Joao de Pina-Cabral, 1-16. Oxford: JASO, 1983.
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